※ 引述《NARUTO (鳴人)》之銘言：
: 歐洲可以不用問了
: 一群假先進真垃圾國還繼續舔共
: 美國現在對中共的恨意應該快衝破上限了吧？
: 那會不會後悔當初1949年不應該讓杜魯門因為私人恩怨放生中華民國
: 還鬥掉堅決反共的麥克阿瑟，讓中共奪取大陸
: 導致現在美國這個世界霸主被病毒攻陷還被中共甩鍋汙名為疫情元凶
: 美國是不是後悔了？
村長，直接給你原始文件，當時美國的安排不是放生中華民國，而是宰了中華民國。
https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1949v09/d402
很明顯，唯一保存台澎不陷落於中共的機會，就是除掉中華民國….. 難處包括島上有
30 萬中國大軍…. 最終我們可能必須武力強制遣返大量中國軍隊與中國難民 (Chinese
refugees)，並造成美國政府與人民間的人道衝突…… 非正式試探菲律賓、澳洲等國的意
向…… 聯繫所有與日本作戰過的國家……
中華民國-中國國民黨的主要支持者們通常認為，如果中華民國-中國國民黨當時沒有來到
台灣，那台灣早就被赤化，變成中共的一部分了，記得要感恩...。
至於對台方面也是給你原始文件
https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1949v09/d293
Should the Chinese Communists attempt to gain control of the island by
forceful means contrary to the wishes of the Formosan people, or if the
Formosans themselves should revolt against their Chinese rulers,
justification would exist for action by the United Nations both on the
grounds that the situation represented a threat to peace and on the basis of
the de facto status of Formosa. The Indonesian case would afford some useful
parallels from the United Nations point of view. Intervention by the United
Nations might be requested by the Australian or the Philippine Governments
with a view to arranging for a plebiscite to determine the wishes of the
Formosan people.
如果中國共產黨試圖以武力違反福爾摩沙人民意願控制該島，或是福爾摩沙人起而反抗其
中國領導群，聯合國的行動以危及和平狀況及福爾摩沙事實地位這兩種理由都站得住腳。
從聯合國的觀點觀之，印尼的例子可以提供一些有用的類比。聯合國可以應澳洲或菲律賓
政府要求，安排公民投票以決定福爾摩沙人民的意願。
The Department of State fully recognizes that it may be necessary at some
stage for the United States to take military action if Formosa is to be
denied to the communists. It strongly believes that for political reasons,
internally in Formosa and internationally, the United States should go to
great lengths to avoid crude unilateral intervention. But that time is not
yet upon us. The United States has not exhausted all of the political
possibilities. It may still be able to foster a Chinese non-communist local
government which will itself successfully deny Formosa to the communists.
國務院全然了解在某些階段，倘欲使福爾摩沙不落入共黨之手，美國可能有必要採取軍事
行動。一般認為為了福爾摩沙內部或國際上的政治理由，美國應該戮力避免粗暴的單方介
入。但這個時點還沒到來。美國尚未用盡政治手段。在地的中國非共產政府本身仍有可能
成功的保住福爾摩沙不落入共黨之手。
Meanwhile, the United States should, as it is now doing, prepare for the
failure of the above contingency and put itself in a position to intervene
with force if necessary. Such intervention should be publicly based not on
obvious American strategic interests but on principles which are likely to
have support in the international community, mainly the principle of
self-determination of the Formosan people.
同時，美國應該像現在所做的一樣，倘前述局勢失利，做好在必要時以武力介入的準備。
此等介入不該公然基於明顯的美國戰略利益，而是基於某些較能為國際社會支持的原則，
主要是福爾摩沙人民的自決權。
This involves the fostering of a Formosan autonomy movement which can be
called into full action should it become evident that the Chinese regime on
the island is unlikely to be able to deny the island to the communists.
這涉及強化福爾摩沙自主運動，一旦島上的中國政權顯然無法避免該島落入共黨之手，該
自主運動就能全面接手。
美國轉彎是因為韓戰爆發唷，不是中華民國好棒唷。