【演講資訊】
題目：The acquisition of Xiamen tone sandhi
講者：Peggy Pik ki Mok (The Chinese University of Hong Kong)
時間：3月28日下午2:00開始
地點：HC3 R104（國立交通大學人社三館）
摘要：
Previous studies show that tonal acquisition starts early, but finishes late.
Recent studies on tone acquisition in both Cantonese and Mandarin demonstrate
that children’s tone production is still not completely adult-like at age 6.
Most previous studies on tonal acquisition were done on languages without a
complex tonal system (e.g. Mandarin) or complex tone sandhi patterns (e.g.
Cantonese). There were only a few studies on the acquisition of Taiwan Southern
Min (very similar to the Xiamen dialect). In a corpus study by Hsu (1989), it
was observed that sandhi tones were acquired later than citation tones, but
children made very few mistakes in both citation tones and sandhi tones by the
age of two. Acoustic data revealed that children mastered the duration property
of checked tones well by the age of three (Tsay, 2001). However, these studies
were based on spontaneous speech data without rigorous control. Thus, the
acquisition of complex tonal system and complex tone sandhi patterns remains
largely unknown. This study investigates the acquisition of citation tones and
tone sandhi patterns in the Xiamen dialect by using a picture naming task with
well-controlled real words and wug words. Results show that while adults
produced tone sandhi patterns similarly in both types of words, children even
at the age of nine still had difficulty in applying the tone sandhi rules to
wug words, despite having high accuracy in real words. The results suggest that
the internalization of tone sandhi rules is a very protracted but productive
process.
—————
【語言學/英語教學學術工作坊】
講者：錢昱夫博士/復旦大學中國語言文學系助理教授
講題：Processing tone sandhi words during spoken word recognition: Evidence
from Mandarin Chinese, Taiwanese, and Shanghai Wu
時 間：108年4月8日星期一 中午12:00-13:30
地 點：國立政治大學季陶樓三樓340313語言所視聽會議室
主 辦：國立政治大學語言學研究所/國立政治大學英國語文學系
摘要：
This talk focuses on the role of the acoustic input (the surface form) and the
abstract linguistic representation (the underlying form) as listeners map the
signal during spoken word recognition. To examine these issues, tone sandhi, a
tonal alternation phenomenon in which a tone changes to a different tone in
certain phonological environments, is investigated.
A first study examined how extremely productive Mandarin tone 3 sandhi words (
T3 → T2/___T3) are processed and represented. An auditory priming lexical
decision experiment was conducted in which each disyllabic tone 3 sandhi target
was preceded by a tone 2 monosyllable (surface-tone overlap), a tone 3
monosyllable (underlying-tone overlap), or an unrelated monosyllable (unrelated
control). Lexical decision RTs showed a tone 3 (underlying-tone overlap)
facilitation effect for both high and low frequency words.
A second auditory priming study investigated the processing and representation
of the more complex and less productive Taiwanese tone sandhi. Lexical decision
RTs, examining sandhi 24 → 33 and 51 → 55, showed that while both sandhi
types exhibited facilitative priming effects, underlying tone primes showed
significantly more facilitation than surface primes for sandhi 24 → 33, while
surface tone primes showed significantly more facilitation than underlying
primes for sandhi 51 → 55, with both effects modulated by frequency.
A third auditory priming study explored Shanghai tonal extension sandhi words,
in which the underlying tone of the first syllable spreads to the sandhi domain
. In a given trial, less-frequent and frequent Shanghai users heard a
disyllabic target preceded by a monosyllabic prime either sharing the same
underlying tone, surface tone, or being unrelated to the tone of the first
syllable of the sandhi target. Results showed a surface priming effect but not
an underlying priming effect in younger speakers who used Shanghai less
frequently, but no surface or underlying priming effect in older speakers who
used Shanghai more often. Moreover, the surface priming did not interact with
speakers’ familiarity ratings to the sandhi targets. These patterns suggest
that left-dominant Shanghai sandhi words may be represented in the sandhi form
in the mental lexicon.
These results are discussed in the context of how phonological opacity,
productivity, the non-structure-preserving nature of tone spreading, and
speakers’ semantic knowledge influence the representation and processing of
tone sandhi words.