不過拜登說法是這樣
拜登痛批川普：用美國軍隊對付美國人
https://reurl.cc/203vLn
中央廣播電台 吳寧康
如此看來民主黨有兩派立場
1.歐巴馬派:州和地方要負責，但大家都不想當鎮壓那一個
2.拜登派:用美國軍隊對付美國人，不過都不動作可能流失保守派以及中產選民
所以大家覺得歐巴馬和拜登哪一個有道理
有人能說明一下嗎?
※ 引述《moshenisshit (嘻嘻)》之銘言：
: But the elected officials who matter most in reforming police departments
: and the criminal justice system work at the state and local levels
: 左膠、川黑、黑人，
: 直接被自己的精神領袖狠狠打臉啊，
: 連歐巴馬都出來開示，州和地方層級責任更大，
: 左膠只會一切都是川普白人至上主義的錯啦啦，
: 民主黨的Minnesota州政府和Minneapolis市政府沒事兒！
: ※ 引述《kaiblue (用心作戰)》之銘言：
: : 1.轉錄標題︰
: : 若為BBS他板文章可免填 FB請寫名稱
: : 無標題，借用中央社新聞報導的標題
: : 美示威潮／反暴力 歐巴馬：和平示威參與投票才是改變正途
: : 1.轉錄網址︰
: : ※超過一行請縮址，若為BBS他板文章可免填※
: : https://reurl.cc/lVX649
: : 2.轉錄來源︰
: : ※超過一行請縮址，若為 他板文章可免填※
: : 歐巴馬FB
: : 3.轉錄內容︰
: : ※請完整轉載原文 請勿修改內文與編排※
: : 標題：歐巴馬：和平示威參與投票才是改變正途
: : As millions of people across the country take to the streets and raise their
: : voices in response to the killing of George Floyd and the ongoing problem of
: : unequal justice, many people have reached out asking how we can sustain
: : momentum to bring about real change.
: : Ultimately, it’s going to be up to a new generation of activists to shape
: : strategies that best fit the times. But I believe there are some basic lesso
: ns
: : to draw from past efforts that are worth remembering.
: : First, the waves of protests across the country represent a genuine and
: : legitimate frustration over a decades-long failure to reform police practice
: s
: : and the broader criminal justice system in the United States. The overwhelmi
: ng
: : majority of participants have been peaceful, courageous, responsible, and
: : inspiring. They deserve our respect and support, not condemnation – somethi
: ng
: : that police in cities like Camden and Flint have commendably understood.
: : On the other hand, the small minority of folks who’ve resorted to violence
: in
: : various forms, whether out of genuine anger or mere opportunism, are putting
: : innocent people at risk, compounding the destruction of neighborhoods that a
: re
: : often already short on services and investment and detracting from the large
: r
: : cause. I saw an elderly black woman being interviewed today in tears because
: : the only grocery store in her neighborhood had been trashed. If history is a
: ny
: : guide, that store may take years to come back. So let’s not excuse violence
: ,o
: : rationalize it, or participate in it. If we want our criminal justice system
: ,
: : and American society at large, to operate on a higher ethical code, then we
: : have to model that code ourselves.
: : Second, I’ve heard some suggest that the recurrent problem of racial bias i
: n
: : our criminal justice system proves that only protests and direct action can
: : bring about change, and that voting and participation in electoral politics
: is
: : a waste of time. I couldn’t disagree more. The point of protest is to raise
: : public awareness, to put a spotlight on injustice, and to make the powers th
: at
: : be uncomfortable; in fact, throughout American history, it’s often only bee
: n
: : in response to protests and civil disobedience that the political system has
: : even paid attention to marginalized communities. But eventually, aspirations
: : have to be translated into specific laws and institutional practices – and
: in
: : a democracy, that only happens when we elect government officials who are
: : responsive to our demands.
: : Moreover, it’s important for us to understand which levels of government ha
: ve
: : the biggest impact on our criminal justice system and police practices. When
: w
: : think about politics, a lot of us focus only on the presidency and the feder
: al
: : government. And yes, we should be fighting to make sure that we have a
: : president, a Congress, a U.S. Justice Department, and a federal judiciary th
: at
: : actually recognize the ongoing, corrosive role that racism plays in our soci
: et
: : and want to do something about it. But the elected officials who matter most
: i
: : reforming police departments and the criminal justice system work at the sta
: te
: : and local levels.
: : It’s mayors and county executives that appoint most police chiefs and
: : negotiate collective bargaining agreements with police unions. It’s distric
: t
: : attorneys and state’s attorneys that decide whether or not to investigate a
: nd
: : ultimately charge those involved in police misconduct. Those are all elected
: : positions. In some places, police review boards with the power to monitor
: : police conduct are elected as well. Unfortunately, voter turnout in these lo
: ca
: : races is usually pitifully low, especially among young people – which makes
: n
: : sense given the direct impact these offices have on social justice issues, n
: ot
: : to mention the fact that who wins and who loses those seats is often determi
: ne
: : by just a few thousand, or even a few hundred, votes.
: : So the bottom line is this: if we want to bring about real change, then the
: : choice isn’t between protest and politics. We have to do both. We have to
: : mobilize to raise awareness, and we have to organize and cast our ballots to
: : make sure that we elect candidates who will act on reform.
: : Finally, the more specific we can make demands for criminal justice and poli
: ce
: : reform, the harder it will be for elected officials to just offer lip servic
: e
: : to the cause and then fall back into business as usual once protests have go
: ne
: : away. The content of that reform agenda will be different for various
: : communities. A big city may need one set of reforms; a rural community may n
: ee
: : another. Some agencies will require wholesale rehabilitation; others should
: : make minor improvements. Every law enforcement agency should have clear
: : policies, including an independent body that conducts investigations of alle
: ge
: : misconduct. Tailoring reforms for each community will require local activist
: s
: : and organizations to do their research and educate fellow citizens in their
: : community on what strategies work best.
: : But as a starting point, I’ve included two links below. One leads to a repo
: rt
: : and toolkit developed by the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights
: : and based on the work of the Task Force on 21st Century Policing that I form
: ed
: : when I was in the White House. And if you’re interested in taking concrete
: : action, we’ve also created a dedicated site at the Obama Foundation to
: : aggregate and direct you to useful resources and organizations who’ve been
: : fighting the good fight at the local and national levels for years.
: : I recognize that these past few months have been hard and dispiriting – tha
: t
: : the fear, sorrow, uncertainty, and hardship of a pandemic have been compound
: ed
: : by tragic reminders that prejudice and inequality still shape so much of
: : American life. But watching the heightened activism of young people in recen
: t
: : weeks, of every race and every station, makes me hopeful. If, going forward,
: w
: : can channel our justifiable anger into peaceful, sustained, and effective
: : action, then this moment can be a real turning point in our nation’s long
: : journey to live up to our highest ideals.
: : Let’s get to work.
: : - obama.org/policing-civil-rights-org-toolkit
: : - obama.org/anguish-and-action
: : 4.附註、心得、想法︰
: : 歐巴馬是美國近年來最理性, 最具包容力也最有理想跟號召力的一位總統.
: : 作為支持民主自由的一方, 坦白說
: : 台灣也需要一位像歐巴馬這樣的政治領袖 出來領導
: : 只可惜檯面上似乎沒有這樣的人....